|
A summary of the ORG-Marg Muslim Women's Survey carried out in 2000-2001
The Muslim Women's Survey (MWS) was carried out in 12 states, spread over 40 districts in India. Convened by Zoya Hasan and Ritu Menon, it surveyed 9,541 Muslim and Hindu women respondents -- 80 per cent Muslim and 20 per cent Hindu; and 60 per cent urban, 40 per cent rural. Fewer Muslim girls in the classroom
Close to 60 per cent of Muslim women report themselves to be illiterate while the school enrolment rate for Muslim girls is 40.66 per cent. The proportion of illiterate Muslim women is substantially higher for the rural north than it is for the rest of India -- more than 85 per cent report themselves to be illiterate. Less than 17 per cent of Muslim women (enrolled in schools) completed eight years of schooling; less than 10 per cent completed higher secondary schooling, which is below the national average. The educational status in the north is abysmal, resulting in substantially fewer numbers in middle school and higher secondary school (4.58 and 4.75 respectively) as opposed to the national average of 17.86 and 11.42. The proportion of Muslim women in higher education is only 3.56 per cent. That's lower even than that of scheduled castes, which is 4.25 per cent. Urban location, which has a generally positive association with female education, has no great impact on Muslim women's educational attainment. This points to poverty as the foremost constraint on access to education, notwithstanding the noticeably greater educational opportunities in urban areas. Of the women who completed their studies, 26 per cent felt that they had to overcome obstacles in order to continue. On the whole, a slightly higher proportion of Muslim women than Hindu women reported that they faced obstacles in their schooling. A general devaluation of continuing education for girls is also linked to the desirability of early marriage, as indicated by the mean age of first marriage, which is a low 15.6; in the rural north it dips even further, to 15 years. Early marriage was cited as an important reason for dropping out of school. Muslim women at work
The overwhelming majority of women reported themselves as not working. Importantly, the low work participation pattern holds for all regions. Among social groups, Muslims and upper caste women participate the least, as compared to scheduled castes (30 per cent) and OBC (other backward classes) (22 per cent). The average rate of participation for Muslim women is 14 per cent, which in itself is lower than for Hindus (18 per cent) and significantly lower than that of scheduled castes (37 per cent), and OBC (22 per cent). Among Muslim women who report work participation, the largest proportion is in the wage worker/employee category, followed by self-employed women. For example, the work participation for urban Muslim women is 11.4 per cent, while it is 16 per cent for Hindus. Rural work participation is only 20 per cent for Muslims and 37 per cent for Hindus. Like their male counterparts, a majority of urban Muslim women (60 per cent) are self-employed. Few are employed in the formal sector. Lack of awareness about welfare schemes
The vast majority of women surveyed across zones, irrespective of education levels, claimed to be unaware of any programmes directed towards women. The advantages of most government schemes, which over the years have specifically targeted women, have generally not accrued to them. Lack of information is an important reason why most welfare provisions pass women by -- most women did not know of the existence of special loans and grants to widows, for example, or of credit facilities. Less than 20 per cent of respondents had access to the printed media. More than 50 per cent, however, was illiterate so that even if they do have access they would be unable to read. A much larger percentage, 42 per cent, watch television and the more educated women do report watching issue and women-oriented programmes. Wedding bells that ring too early
According to the survey, 88 per cent of Indian women are currently married; there are slightly more Muslim women (86 per cent) than upper-caste Hindus (84 per cent) in this category. Sixty per cent of Muslim and 55 per cent of Hindu women are married by the age of 17. Women with low educational levels -- illiterate or educated upto the primary level -- across regions and religions are more likely to be married below the legal age, compared to women with medium or high levels of education. The survey reports that the all-India mean age of first marriage is 15.6 years -- almost a whole year lower than the National Family Health Survey. A majority of women, over 70 per cent, believe that the ideal marriage age for girls corresponds with the legal minimum age or above. Across the country, the occurrence of delayed marriage increases with better standards of living. Low socio-economic status and low levels of educational achievement are consistent with early marriage for girls, Hindu and Muslim, across the country; higher educational status generally makes for later marriages -- within the age group 18-20 -- and women who have never married are definitely more likely to have a higher socio-economic status. It's her womb, but it's his decision
A woman's educational level does not seem to have an impact on her decision making, either for better or for worse. But her socio-economic status has a negative correlation with a rise in economic status: the higher the status, the lower a woman's decision-making powers. There does seem to be a generational shift, though, with younger women reporting greater decision-making abilities. Rural women report the lowest levels, as do women from eastern parts of the country. The western region reports the highest levels, urban and rural, as concerns decision-making. Over 50 per cent of respondents said they were consulted about all decisions regarding household and consumption expenditure, marriage and birth and death ceremonies. This consultation, however, declines noticeably with regard to major illnesses, major purchases and investments, and travel. The significant community difference here is that Muslim women report greater consultation than Hindus for all categories, especially for major purchases and investments. Given the central role of marriage and motherhood in the lives of Indian women, the question of decisions regarding family size is important. The question posed to respondents was: Have you and your husband ever discussed the number of children you would like to have? All-India, a rather high 56 per cent said they had; 43 per cent said no. A clear generational shift is evident in the responses: 62 per cent of women in the 18-35-year age group said yes, as did 46 per cent in the 35-40-year age group. Only 14 per cent among the 60-90-year-olds agreed. Conforming to the usual pattern, urban women report greater discussion than rural women. The survey found a positive correlation between education and marital communication, even in rural India. Decisions about how many children to have are, on the whole, taken jointly by the couples themselves, in 38 per cent of the cases, and by the husbands alone in 30 per cent. The sharp and significant difference is in the proportion of 'husbands alone' and 'wives alone' deciding -- 30 per cent compared to 2.5 per cent. The fact that joint decision-making is slightly higher than unilateral decisions taken by husbands is a positive indicator. But it does not necessarily follow that women are equal partners in decision-making or that they have any real choice in the matter. Earning a living
The questions posed to respondents on the extent of mobility they enjoyed encompassed a combination of activities that are personal, social, familial, political, economic and work and health-related. A very high 70 per cent of women, Hindu and Muslim, all-India, across classes, reported that they needed permission to go to work. A staggering 86 per cent said they needed permission from their husbands for all activities. Unmarried girls seek permission from their fathers, and married women from their husbands and in-laws. Older women may even need permission from their sons for certain activities. Community differences are negligible, although a greater percentage (75 per cent) of Muslim women than Hindu women (69 per cent) reported needing permission to work. Exposure to domestic abuse
The Muslim Women's Survey reported that approximately 20 per cent of respondents experienced verbal and physical abuse in the marital home; over 80 per cent of this is at the hands of their husbands. The figures for Muslims and Hindus are strikingly similar both in the National Family Health Survey and the Muslim Women's Survey, although the MWS shows that Hindu women experience greater levels of violence than do Muslims in all four zones. Rural women are worse off than urban women; poorer women, apparently, worse off than better-off women. Women in the north and east of the country face more violence than those in the south and west. The incidence of domestic violence appears to decrease with rising standards of living. But this may be because more educated, better-off women are less inclined to report domestic violence. The figure for Muslim women reporting abuse stood at 18 per cent, backward castes at 24 per cent, and caste Hindus at 10 per cent. The lower figure for the latter should not lead us to assume that the incidence of violence among caste Hindus is lower, rather that high-caste Hindu women are less likely to report violence. The commonest and most prevalent form of conflict reported was verbal abuse -- in the country as a whole it accounted for 63 per cent of all domestic abuse. Age-wise, at the all-India level, the highest proportion of women reporting domestic conflict is in the 25-45-year age group. This proportion (23.15 per cent) is also higher than the national average (20.74 per cent). Variations among Muslims women, however, are the most interesting and important. Close to 57 per cent of respondents in the youngest age group, 18-20 years, reported that they were ill treated physically by their parents, 11 per cent said they were abused by their brothers. Husbands continue to be the ones responsible for maximum violence in the age group 20-60 and above, but a good 14 per cent of those between the ages of 45 and 60 blamed their sons for physical violence. Conclusions and recommendations
Muslim women in India are disadvantaged thrice over: as members of a minority community, as women, and as poor women. Gender discrimination coalesces with class inequalities to perpetuate their structured disempowerment. One way of achieving the goals of equity and empowerment for Muslim women would be to engage with the secular discourse of development and empowerment. Very rarely do mainstream policy makers acknowledge their poverty. That is why one thrust of state intervention has been to try to shift the balance within the identity of Muslim women, so that being a Muslim will take precedence over a host of other identities such as class or gender. When attention has been paid to Muslim women the focus has been on how they are different from Hindu women. This emphasis invariably leads to two issues, which have been focused on with regard to Muslim women -- lack of female education and restrictive purdah -- and how the two are linked to religion as an ideology. Thus, it has been widely argued that cultural norms and the relationship of women and Islam are at the core of Muslim women's status, and that the latter's low status is the consequence of a traditional way of life, that is, Islamic restrictions on women's freedom. The findings of the survey, however, demonstrate that cultural restrictions are not responsible for low education. Religion does not influence the status of women, even though there are community-specific disadvantages that arise out of poverty. The status of Muslim women is determined by social and economic class, urban or rural residence and regional location. (December 2002) |
