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South Asia has the dubious reputation of being one of the most dangerous places for journalists to work in, says the Third Annual International Federation of Journalists Press Freedom Report released on World Press Freedom Day, May 3
The past year has been a tumultuous one for South Asia , with a visible media boom coupled with increased restrictions on the press. South Asia continues its well-deserved reputation as one of the most unsafe places in the world for journalists to work. Daily attacks on media workers, a culture of impunity for those who target journalists, and a profoundly undemocratic and hostile media environment in many countries mean that journalists who seek out and report the truth do so in a climate of fear and intimidation.
The past year saw governments continue the crackdown on democratic rights and press freedom in the name of tackling terrorism. And corrupt officials, insurgents, fundamentalists of all religions and gangsters with their own violent methods of silencing truth-tellers, carry on their work with impunity.
The report sets out to tell the full story of press freedom, democratic rights and journalists’ safety in South Asia . Sadly, it details the deaths of too many of our colleagues and records the unspeakable treatment of many others. Nineteen media workers were killed in targeted attacks between May 2004 and April 2005 for their efforts to ensure that the voice of the free press in South Asia is heard. The report also documents the declining media freedoms so important for media independence and so vital in a democracy.
The most significant event for the region was the royal coup in Nepal . King Gyanendra dismissed the government of Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, assumed executive powers, announced a state of emergency and, on February 1, 2005 , took direct control of the government. Press and publication rights were immediately suspended as well as freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of assembly, freedom to form unions and associations and the right to information. Although the emergency was lifted on April 29, two days before it was due to expire, curbs on press and political activities in the capital remain in place. The government on April 30 issued new orders banning political activities in major parts of Kathmandu , whilst retaining an earlier notification restricting media coverage.
Suspended human rights, strict media censorship, violence, arrests and continual threats from the government pose a severe challenge to journalists struggling to report independently in Nepal . With the Maoist insurgency and political conflict as a backdrop, press freedom in the country is being tested as never before. Even before the royal coup, Badri Khadka and Padma Raj Devkota were murdered by security forces and Maoist rebels were responsible for the deaths of Dekendra Raj Thapa, media worker Kanyaras Gurung and possibly Khagendra Shrestha.
On April 11, King Gyanendra extended the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Control and Punishment) Ordinance, 2004 (TADO) for a further six months. The legislation gives the authorities an effective green light to continue with arbitrary detentions, torture, disappearances, and extra-judicial and summary executions. Government officials say the ordinance is needed to fight the Maoists, but human rights groups say it has led to widespread human rights abuses. Since the coup in Nepal , at least 28 journalists have been arrested and the security forces have detained at least 16 journalists for periods of up to 24 hours.
Bangladesh continued to be one of the most dangerous countries in South Asia for journalists, and Khulna in the south retains its position as one of the most violent places in the country. Journalists in Bangladesh faced increasing risks with harassment, torture, arrests and death threats for news reports and opinions exposing the truth. Local journalists say they are increasingly under threat for reporting on political violence, religious fundamentalism, graft, and organised crime. But the main cause of brutality against the press in Bangladesh remains pervasive corruption. The professional rights and freedoms of journalists are frequently curbed now, either by laws or by other restraints imposed by the government.
Four Bangladeshi journalists were killed by factions of outlawed armed groups, and by unidentified assailants. More than 400 journalists received death threats and 320 were tortured -– making an average of almost one death threat and incident of torture every day. About 43 were harassed in 190 incidents of violence against the press, 18 were arrested, another 85 threatened and 55 injured. In addition, false cases were filed against 75 journalists.
In India , the spectacular defeat of the right wing government and the installation of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance at the Centre raised expectations of dramatic change. However, many of the media community’s hopes remain unfulfilled. The repeal of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTA) was welcomed, but the euphoria was shortlived as the amended Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act contains several draconian measures that may well curb democratic rights. The recent proposal to enact a Bill to Suppress Communal Violence, 2005, appears to be a combination of two draconian laws -– POTA and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act -- giving the Centre and the armed forces unbridled powers that could reduce democratic freedoms.
In India , as in Bangladesh , journalists faced the ire of over-zealous party workers. The Mahanagar in Mumbai was particularly targeted by right wing Shiv Sainiks, and in Kerala, followers of the Indian Union Muslim League leader, Industries Minister P K Kunhalikutty, attacked journalists on several occasions for exposing their leader in a “sex racket” case.
In Pakistan , despite the swift growth of the media’s reach -– largely in the broadcasting realm -– attacks and intimidation, both in the print and electronic sectors, also increased, thereby shrinking media freedoms. The paradox of a larger media canvas with fewer colours is a reflection of the ideological battle being played out in Pakistan between the conservatives -- led by Islamist parties -- and the government’s agenda of enlightened moderation supported by civil society.
A dozen new private FM radio stations and half-a-dozen independent television channels began operations in Pakistan , several of them focusing on news-based programming for the information-starved country, and thereby expanding the space for free media. Yet despite this, Pakistani journalists experienced a sense of déjà vu as an all-too-familiar pattern unfolded for yet another year: murder, terrorism, kidnapping, physical assault, imprisonment, torture, trial in courts, news blackouts, policy coercion, censorship and banning of publications.
Amir Nawab Khan, cameraman for Associated Press Television News and reporter for the daily The Frontier Post, and Allah Noor Wazir, reporter for the independent television channel Khyber and the daily The Nation were killed in early February 2005 by gunmen in the South Waziristan Agency of Pakistani tribal areas bordering Afghanistan .
The government in Pakistan has also moved to tighten laws applicable to the media this past year. On August 19, 2004 , the National Assembly amended the controversial Defamation Ordinance 2002 and introduced more stringent penalties. In the last week of April 2005, the government put before the National Assembly an amendment bill seeking to toughen the electronic media law. If passed, this would enhance control over broadcast content and increase fines on broadcasters a staggering tenfold.
In Sri Lanka , criminal defamation laws were repealed in 2003 after nearly a decade-long campaign by freedom of expression groups. However, under the UPFA government, several journalists, including two editors, were charged under obsolete contempt of court laws. Seven media organisations were threatened with contempt of court charges.
Sri Lanka has not made any headway in improving freedom of expression in the last 12 months. An unstable and volatile social and political situation prevailed throughout this period, impeding the progress of democratic reforms. The tsunami tidal waves that devastated much of Sri Lanka ’s southern and eastern coasts on December 26, 2004 , began a period of untold misery for the people. Nearly 150,000 families were affected and close to 40,000 people perished.
The horror and devastation of the tsunami not only shattered homes and families, but also livelihoods. This meant that many journalists were faced with their most important role yet -– telling every important story and holding authorities accountable. Especially in times of disaster and stress such as these it is critical for communities to have access to information and to the truth.
Many in the media lost their own lives in the tsunami. And those who survived had no means to carry out their work -- most lost their offices and their equipment as well as their homes.
Yet, ethnic conflict remains the main issue Sri Lanka faces, despite the enormous challenges of post-tsunami recovery and reconstruction. Continued conflict also remains one of the main challenges for the development of a socially responsible media. Three journalists from the Tamil community were killed as a result of the factional war in the LTTE. Virakesari journalist Nadesan was killed by the Karuna faction and Thinamurusu journalist Bala Nadraja was killed by the LTTE. Both these groups have not respected freedom of expression and dissenting voices meet with harsh punishments. Dharmeratnam Sivaram ‘Taraki’, editor of the news website TamilNet and Daily Mirror columnist was probably targeted because of his uncompromising coverage of the political and military situation, particularly since the emergence of the pro-government Tamil militia headed by Colonel Karuna.
The contradiction of a media that is opening up whilst having greater restrictions imposed on it, was also witnessed in India . In a far-reaching and controversial move, the Indian government has sought to allow 20% foreign direct investment (FDI) in private radio channels, a market hitherto protected for the domestic industry. The media sector has until now been closely guarded, with political parties divided over the extent to which FDI should be allowed in the print and broadcast media. Officials said they expected a major political storm to result from this proposal and had therefore kept the FDI limit at 20%. This policy has been strongly criticised by journalist unions, which described the move as a “blow to freedom of the press” and unwarranted control of the Indian media by foreign investors.
In Afghanistan too, the media industry has witnessed a boom since May 2004. However, attacks and intimidation of journalists and the curtailment of freedom of speech and expression continued. Journalists were jailed for independent and unbiased reporting, or even for challenging the authority of the police. Ghulam Rasool Khushbakht -- a famous poet, author and journalist -- continues to languish in jail whilst the authorities deny that there is anyone by that name in the Kabul jail.
Crude censorship in the form of bans also took place in Afghanistan . Restriction on television channels following a Supreme Court order in September 2004 amounts to state control on what the public is permitted to view. The Ghumbosa (Bee), an independent Pashto satirical newspaper published in Khost province in southern Afghanistan , was banned in January 2005. This was followed soon after, in March 2005, by a ban on the independent Radio Omid for airing broadcasts by an independent cultural association. The radio station was paying the price for its refusal to campaign for the governor of Khost during the elections.
Journalists all over South Asia bore the brunt of job losses and assaults on workers’ rights amidst the media boom. In India , the summary dismissal in October 2004 of 362 permanent employees of a major English daily, the Hindustan Times, created waves of protest from journalist unions. The opening up of the media sector to foreign investment, the creation of media monopolies and the entrenchment of unfair contracts further impacted freedom of the press in India . The launch of a National Confederation of Trade Union Organisations of Newspaper and News Agency employees in New Delhi , on April 19, heralds the consolidation of a unified struggle to safeguard and promote the interests of all sections of employees in newspapers and agencies.
The international community’s strong and immediate condemnation of King Gyanendra’s takeover and suspension of democratic rights may have moved the absolute rulers in the region to at least mouth the language of democracy. A move by the President of the Maldives , Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, to establish multi-party democracy within a year was welcomed by his opponents. Gayoom, who came to power in 1978, is Asia ’s longest-serving political leader and has been accused of perpetrating human rights abuses, including muzzling the press and jailing dissident journalists.
March 26, 2005 , saw the King of Bhutan, Jigme Singye Wangchuk, announcing a proposal for democratisation through a Draft Constitution. However, the National Front for Democracy in Bhutan (NFD) -- a coalition of political parties in exile struggling to establish democracy and human rights -– criticised the Draft Constitution claiming that it had been written without considering the refugee crisis, and that it excludes sufficient participation of diverse communities.
One of the most significant developments in the region was improved Indo-Pakistan relations, which manifested in increased people-to-people cross-border travel for cricket matches, trade, education and for personal reasons. The strife-torn Kashmir valley experienced some relief after diplomatic relations between India and Pakistan achieved an unprecedented breakthrough. One of the most visible confidence-building measures was the resumption of bus services across the Line of Control between Muzaffarabad and Srinagar on April 7, 2005 , and negotiations for a porous border to encourage cross-border interaction and trade in the region. The relaxed visa regime, and the encouragement to journalists to visit each other’s countries, has played a major role in reducing mutual suspicion and building trust, and could perhaps pave the way for increased co-operation in the region.
The report is also testament to the professional solidarity among journalists in South Asia . The increasing assault on journalists’ rights and press freedoms saw the emergence of the South Asia Media Solidarity Network (SAMSN) in Nepal in September 2004. This unprecedented coalition of journalists’ unions and press freedom organisations in South Asia , representing more than 25,000 journalists, is dedicated to building solidarity among journalists’ organisations and other groups in the region working to promote a safer working environment and greater respect for the work of journalists.
For the full report (part 1) click here: http://www.ifjasia.org/files/ifj_sa_press_freedom_report_overview.pdf
For the full report (part 2) click here:
http://www.ifj-asia.org/files/ifj_sa_press_freedom_report_violations.pdf
For a MS Word version of the report click here:
http://www.ifj-asia.org/files/ifj_sa_press_freedom_report.pdf
InfoChange News and Features, May 2005
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