Brewing tensions in adivasi India
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COMMENTS 
From the eviction of adivasis from forestlands in Madhya Pradesh's Burhanpur district to the continued threat to their lives from the army's routine firing exercises in Netarhat, Jharkhand, tribal populations throughout India are being exploited, intimidated and further alienated. The sharpening conflict between the adivasis and the Indian state must be addressed
Last year, two distinct regions in central India separated by hundreds of kilometres faced the same crisis - questions of survival, exploitation and violation of the fundamental right of adivasis to live with dignity (Article 21 of the Constitution). Though seemingly unrelated, both these predicaments are manifestations of the same brewing conflict between adivasis and the 'mainstream'. Their roots are deeply embedded in the discourse on 'mainstream development and nation-building', a discourse that is divorced from the adivasi way of life and ignores their socio-cultural and livelihood needs. Unfortunately, the democratic polity has been unable to ensure the space to accommodate the aspirations, sensitivities and participation of adivasis in the political process.
The first story unfolded in the adivasi villages and forest areas of Burhanpur district in Madhya Pradesh in 2004, against the backdrop of the submerged (by the Narmada dam) town of Harsud . A conflict arose between the Madhya Pradesh forest department and adivasis from over 35 villages, including Chimnapur, Davali, Jhanjar, Jamunala and Hasanpura in Nepanagar tehsil. The forest department, in its haste to get rid of 'illegal encroachments' on forestland, initiated several coercive eviction drives against the adivasis, often accompanied by the burning of homes, livestock and crops. Adivasis were not allowed to cultivate land that they had worked on for decades. In one such drive, in Mendhakhapuri, Burhanpur tehsil, the forest department even resorted to firing, severely injuring three young adivasis.
The forest department views adivasis as 'encroachers' of forestland, justifying coercive methods of eviction. However these evictions are illegal as most adivasis settled on the land much before 1980 -- the cut-off date set by central government order vide 13-1/90/-FP (1), issued on September 18, 1990 , whereby the state authorities were authorised to regularise pre-1980 settlements on forestland. Morally and ethically too, the eviction of adivasis from their own land is untenable.
From the legal point of view, the question of evicting pre-1980 settlers is unlawful. Significantly, the Supreme Court, with help from the Central Empowered Committee, is attempting to resolve the crisis of forestland encroachment after 1980. Commentators believe a solution would pave the way for the legalisation of settlements as late as the early-1990s.
The second story is a chronic one that erupted once again in August 2004, in the adivasi-dominated regions of Netarhat in Jharkhand. The 23rd artillery brigade of the Indian army had planned routine field firing practice during the month of August at Netarhat. Such exercises have caused livelihood losses, threats to life and physical and mental suffering among the local population which, during such times, is expected to vacate the area. Although no warning was given to the people about the August practice, the army issued an order to the local administration to prepare to vacate 29 villages in the area.
The first heavy artillery firing practice in the region was conducted in 1965. The drill goes on for 10 days, during which people have either to flee into the jungle or look for alternative shelter while the army bombards the region with shells, often wounding several people. The drill also causes damage to standing crops, fields, houses, trees and livestock. According to the local population, the army compensates them with Re 1 per day for the "inconvenience" caused!
Two state orders dated November 25, 1991 and March 25, 1992 (under Section 9[1] of the Manoeuvres Field Firing and Artillery Practices Act, 1938) notified an area of 1,471 sq km, covering 245 villages in six blocks of two districts for periodic field firing and artillery practice for 10 years, as the Netarhat field firing range. In spite of stiff opposition from the local population, which is over 70% adivasi, the government renewed notification to the area for routine field firing for another 20 years, commencing 2002 and up to 2022.
Importantly, in both cases, adivasis and local civil society have put up stiff resistance. In Netarhat, a Jan Sangharsh Samiti was formed that has, through peaceful and democratic protest, succeeded in forcing the army to cancel its January 2004 and August 2004 plans. In Nepanagar, where the adivasi evictions discussed earlier took place, the Adivasi Ekta Sangathan is organising adivasis to fight for their rights and for justice.
Three critical lessons emerge from this brewing discontent among the adivasis. First, the growing and sharpening conflict revolving around entitlements and rights over land, water and forests, between the adivasis and the insensitive state in collaboration with corporate interests, needs to be urgently and justly resolved. Second, the continuing marginalisation and alienation of adivasis should serve as a wake-up call to Indian civil society, including the media, whose response has remained weak and splintered. Third, and most important, the growing alienation of adivasis from the Indian state is a larger manifestation of systemic and political failure on the part of the Indian republic to secure and safeguard participation and space for marginalised groups and identities including dalits, minorities and women. Our nation must address this alienation directly and take steps to deepen democracy and reach out to adivasi India .
(Amitabh Behar is director of the National Centre for Advocacy Studies (NCAS). He may be contacted at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. )
InfoChange News & Features, April 2005